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Analysis

Jokowi’s Papua Policy Deeply Flawed

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Indonesia President, Joko Widodo while visit West Papua - Jubi

Indonesia President, Joko Widodo while visit West Papua – Jubi

By Hipolitus Yolisandry Ringgi Wangge & Djali Gafur, Guest Contributors

FAR from bringing them closer together, Papua’s integration into Indonesia in 1969 was a controversial and deeply flawed process that has driven a wedge between the two ever since – a spear through the heart of good relations.

Not least because Papuans and their needs, particularly those in highland areas, have been consistently overlooked by authorities and political leaders in Jakarta.

In the almost 50 years since Papuan integration, the government has had difficulty in admitting, let alone identifying root problems in Papua. In the main, these surround the region’s historical and political status.

Challenges also include sociological and economic problems, which see growing disparity between outsiders and indigenous Papuans. Migrants dominate the territory’s economy and administrative sectors and leave the indigenous with undeveloped skills for competing in such sectors. As a result, social frictions emerge, which, in turn, lead to conflict.

As a president with no ties to previous regimes and their key actors, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo should not make the same mistake as his predecessors.

But so far the signs aren’t good. Without seriously admitting and facing up to Papua’s problems, the Jokowi administration will only re-design and re-enforce old policies which simplistically emphasise the economy as a driving force for development.

In his last two visits, Jokowi brought packages focused only on the economy, including tourism investment in Raja Ampat, infrastructure investment in Jayapura and Sorong, agricultural investment in Merauke, and mining investment in Fak-fak and Teluk Bintuni.

Such policies are useless if we acknowledge that the bulk of Papuans lack sufficient skills to benefit from these projects (and are often so far behind that playing catch up is almost inconceivable).

In fact, such projects will only increase a mass influx of migrants from Java, Kalimantan, and Sulawesi and re-affirm non-locals’ economic domination — a process we can already see in almost all Papuan cities, in both coastal and highland areas. Such projects are not distinct from programs launched by other presidents since Suharto.

Public statements made by elites in Jakarta who oversimplify the region’s problems exacerbate the central government’s flawed approach. Take the recent statement from one of Jokowi’s key ministers, Luhut Panjaitan. His advice that Papuans with political aspirations should leave the provinces and join Pacific countries that share a culture with them unsurprisingly sparked widespread criticism.

On top of all this, Jokowi’s administration has failed to gain the trust of Papuans. For example, there are continued protests from indigenous mothers (mama-mama Papua) who want Jokowi to build traditional markets for them, as he promised in visits early last year.

In 2015 Jokowi also released several prisoners serving sentences for political activities, including the former state officer Filep Karma. But this action has been viewed as superficial since there are still many political prisoners behind bars. It doesn’t help that both foreign journalists and few local journalists are given access to the area to cover such issues (something Jokowi was rolled on by his defence minister last year).

Bubbling away in the background to all of this is the presence of the military which keeps coming to Papua for “official purposes”, ranging from defending the country’s outer island to helping the government to promote development in the area.

The military’s current presence includes the so-called joint expedition, dominated by 670 military personnel, including the Special Armed Forces Command (Kopassus), and including 530 civilians aimed at conducting research and collecting data related to Papua’s natural resources and its people. With the armed force’s bad human rights record in Papua, this expedition will only exaggerate distrust among locals towards their national government.

In any case, the military-led research expedition in Papua is at odds with the military’s principal task as outlined by law. Under this, military operations other than war cover 14 specific tasks, including search and rescue, counter-terrorism, humanitarian assistance, and border protection. All of the 14 tasks must support the military’s primary function — strengthening its capability for combat operations.

None of these tasks relate to collecting data on an area’s natural resources or people. The joint operation in Papua is another example of stalled internal military reforms since the second term of former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. It’s also another stark reminder that the Indonesian military still exerts its influence as not only a security actor but also a social actor. To make matters worse, Jokowi has shown little intention of continuing military reforms, and has put many retired army officers in strategic government positions.

The national government should realise the flow of vast numbers of soldiers, alongside those who are already there, cannot solve the problems in Papua. In fact, the military a source of ongoing difficulties. At the end of the day, it is Papuans who must be the ones to address the region’s problems.

The key issue is the empowerment of the Papuan people and not merely a focus on the region’s natural resources which draw much attention and concern from the central government.

As Papuan journalist, Victor Mambor once asked: “What is the importance of Papua to Indonesia? Is it the people of Papua or its natural resources that attract the central government in Jakarta?

“If it is the people, why are so many Papuans being arrested, dying, and being prohibited from expressing their aspirations?” (*)

Hipolitus Yolisandry Ringgi Wangge is a researcher for the Marthinus Academy, Jakarta. Djali Gafur is an executive director for the Maluku Institute, Center for Public Policy and Economic Development Studies, Moluccas.

Both authors have been conducting a fieldwork research in Papua.

Analysis

Baby Kana, three forgotten people in the story of Puti Hatil and Korowai (Part 3) 

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Illustration of health crisis of Korowai people where an evangelist Jimmy Weyato is preparing a coffin – Jubi/Agus Pabika

Written by Rev. Trevor Christian Johnson

Jakarta, Jubi – The 3rd and final forgotten person I want to write about during the drama of Puti Hatil’s sickness and healing is Baby Kana, also from Afimabul.

The day that Dakinus led Daniel and his baby son to Danowage, Baby Kana was also carried with them in their group.  She was also brought to Danowage along with Puti Hatil. But she did not heal.

Read: Danil Hatil, three forgotten people in the story of  Puti Hatil and Korowai (Part 1)

Dakinus Wanimbo, three forgotten people in the story of  Puti Hatil and Korowai (Part 2)

Last week (end of December) Puti was flown back to his village by helicopter, his cheek sewn closed and the wound clean and dry and healthy. He was returned to the Korowai region because he was healed and was sick no more.

He is a success story.

But Baby Kana also suffers no more. She also no longer has any illness. Instead of being flown back to her village by helicopter, however, she was returned to the dust of the earth.

She has now been dead for over 6 weeks.

Most people do not know that this other small child was also brought to Danowage from Afimabul during the same trip along with Puti Hatil. They were both carried to Danowage together.

While Puti was being cared for in the VIP Room at Dian Harapan Hospital with many visitors and enjoying much media attention and money was being gathered on his behalf, the baby Kana lay rotting in the ground, buried in a very simple wooden coffin made from rough boards.

She was yet another statistic demonstrating the poor condition of healthcare in this region.

We wanted to help her so bad. We did our best. But she died during the night. When we received her in Danowage she had already been sick for a whole month, and she was just too sick and weak to recover when she arrived.

Maybe the journey was too much for her. We did not have a chance to really treat her or an opportunity to fly her out to the hospital like Puti.

But Baby Kana is just as much a part of this story as Puti. The child Puti Hatil was saved. Baby Kana was not.

But help came because of Puti.

God is using the case of Puti to bless the entire Korowai region. And through Puti’s sufferings, the whole Korowai region seems to be experiencing a blessing of health care.

He became a symbol to rally around and to gather help and support. Because of Puti’s pain, many Korowai children will not need to experience illness or death.

After many long years of waiting for help, we are now being flooded. I can only praise the churches and students and the government officials who are very quick to help.

Upon hearing of the health crisis in the Korowai region, the Governor of Papua Lukas Enembe quickly responded and visited Danowage and promised more help and embraced many of the local people, showing his heart for the interior peoples of Papua.

Many good people are now involved and working together from both church and government to help the Korowai.

But sometimes I fear. Sometimes I fear that it will not be the case of Puti Hatil that is representative of the help that is coming to the Korowai region (a very sick baby who was helped and healed and returned successfully to the city).

Sometimes I am afraid that people will soon forget the trials of the Korowai. Instead of Puti Hatil being a symbol of hope, I am afraid that the case of Baby Kana will become a more fitting symbol – a child who died without help and will be forgotten unless I can keep her memory alive through written articles such as this.

We have two future options for the Korowai. Who will better represent the fate of the Korowai, Puti Hatil and his rescue? Or Baby Kana and her death?

This is the real tragedy of Papua; while 90% of the media is focused on politics in the cities, the interior peoples of Papua go to bed hungry and many die due to neglect.  There are MANY Puti Hatils in my region. Even more sadly, there are many MORE Baby Kanas.

Between the years 2009 and 2015, shootings within the Freeport Mine project area killed 20 people and injured 59. In that same period of time illness and disease has killed much more in just this Korowai region of Papua where I serve.

I pray and plead that this is the last year that their cries will go unheard. (End)

 

Editor: Zely Ariane

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Analysis

The ties that bind Papua and Indonesia

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By Karim Raslan

Source: South China Morning Post

Maria Hestina, Maria Korwa and Mega Imbiri represent hopes of young Papuans in Sorong – Karim Raslan/scmp

Jayapura, Jubi – Young Papuans in an eastern Indonesian boom town are excited about the future, thanks to a resurgent economy. But will the good times last?

Sorong is booming. With 9.3 per cent GDP growth in 2016 (almost double Indonesia’s average) and located on the westernmost point of Papua, the 300,000-strong city is fast becoming a regional transport and logistics hub, boosted by its proximity to the fabled Raja Ampat islands and the ever-elusive bird of paradise.

However, Sorong isn’t a pretty sight. In fact, the city feels as if it’s still emerging from the scrubland – its urban sprawl stretching many kilometres into the interior, far from the waterfront that’s now bustling with activity.

I was very curious how the younger generation – the city’s millennials – viewed their future.

Were they optimistic? Did they see the new airport, port and Trans Papua Highway as the harbingers of a prosperous future? How were relations between indigenous Papuans and newer communities – the Bugis, Javanese and Minahassans?

I met three 18-year-old students: Maria Hestina, Maria Korwa and Mega Imbiri. All three were studying at the city’s largest tertiary institution, the Sorong Muhammadiyah University.

Maria Hestina is the daughter of transmigrants, her family was originally from Flores in East Nusa Tenggara. Her parents – now divorced – weren’t well-to-do. Her father was a labourer while her mother sold petrol and fruits at the market.

Maria Korwa’s family has been in Papua for generations. She was the product of an interreligious marriage: her father was Muslim while her mother was Christian. In an arrangement that is common in some part of Indonesia, her brothers were Muslim but her sisters and she were Christian.

Mega Imbiri was the daughter of a fisherman and a housewife, both of whom are Papuan natives.

“My father has to go out to sea every day and sometimes comes back with very few fish. He has to brave the rain, the waves and saltwater. … As a child I would hold his hands; they were always coarse.

Papua has long been considered a restive, troubled part of Indonesia.

However, Sorong, on the very “tip” of the island, has largely escaped the turmoil of the interior.

Instead, the city has benefited enormously from the current administration’s focus on strengthening transport links with the rest of the republic – creating a boom that more than matches Timika, the central Papuan town, home to Grasberg, the world’s largest gold mine and second largest copper mine run by the controversial American miner Freeport-McMoRan.

The three young women present a positive “spin” to the Eastern Indonesian region. Their religious diversity is remarkable – Maria Hestina is Catholic, Maria Korwa is Pentecostal Christian and Mega Imbiri is Protestant. Maria Hestina is a first-generation transmigrant while Maria Korwa and Mega Imbiri are natives.

Maria Korwa is unequivocal about the province’s problems.

“There’s a lot of crime in Sorong. Every day, there are muggings, fuelled by alcoholism and drug addiction – including glue-sniffing among youths.”

Maria Hestina adds: “Around 2005-2006, the water supply was very unreliable and we often suffered from blackouts. It has improved since then, but there’s still a long way to go.”

“The price of petrol has also gone up – it’s now 5,000 rupiah per litre. I know because my mother sells petrol; people are finding it difficult to cope.”

Mega Imbiri has her own take.

“Development is difficult in Papua. The terrain is hilly and heavily forested. It will take years before projects see results. What makes me very happy is the attention Jokowi (Indonesian President Joko Widodo) has been giving Papua. He’s visited the island more times than any other president before him.”

The administration’s initiatives have already begun to bear fruit. Maria Hestina noted that under former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jokowi, primary and secondary education was made free. On December 20, the government announced plans to bring electricity to the whole of Papua and build new roads.

While the two provinces (Papua and West Papua) continue to represent a major challenge to Indonesian unity and stability – the eagle-eyed focus on economic growth has brought tangible gains to their people.

It’s this transformation that may well hold the key to binding the island of Papua to Indonesia.

Admittedly, this is a very positive take – that the current administration’s focus on economic grievances is having an impact. But is it enough?(*)

 

Editor: Zely Ariane

 

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Analysis

Dakinus Wanimbo, Three forgotten people in the story of Puti Hatil and Korowai (Part 2)

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Evangelist Dakinus Wanimbo – supplied/Trevor Christian

Written by Rev. Trevor Christian Johnson

Jayapura, Jubi – The first forgotten person in this article was Daniel Hatil, Puti’s father. But I now present to you the second person in this article who is a forgotten player in the drama of Puti’s healing.

Read: Danil Hatil, Three forgotten people in the story of Puti Hatil and Korowai (Part 1)

He was one person who was the most instrumental in saving Puti Hatil’s life. He is Evangelist Dakinus Wanimbo, a pastor from the GIDI church (The Evangelical Church of Indonesia) who has served the last 6 years in Afimabul village.

He is the one who delivered Puti and Daniel to Danowage and walked with them and led them on the way to our missionary health clinic so that Puti could be medically evacuated to Dian Harapan hospital in the city.

Evangelist Dakinus entered the Korowai region as an evangelist with the GIDI church in 2009 to help work on the church’s airstrip in Danowage.

Afimabul is very remote. Dakinus explains, “Afimabul is far away and difficult. There is always roofing problem because of thatch roofing and my Bible is always wet and also there is no electricity and at night I must read by the firelight.”

When I asked the Korowai people to give an evaluation of Dakinus’ work as an evangelist, it is clear that all the Korowai people love him. They can see his heart and though his language is limited his actions are clear, “Dakinus loves the Korowai people,” they say.

I ask, “Not a single evangelist can speak Korowai, but Dakinus cannot even speak Indonesian very well. How can he do a good job in your village if he cannot even speak Indonesian?” But they will all defend Dakinus and say that they like him. The Korowai say things like, “He cannot talk well, but his heart is clear, he is a good man who loves the Korowai.

This is a reminder to us that actions speak louder than words.

Dakinus was the evangelist who first became aware of Puti’s sickness and brought them to Danowage to get help. When Puti was sent to Sentani and high-ranking government officials met Puti and newspapers covered the rescue of Puti and took many pictures of him, nobody mentioned the name of Dakinus. He was forgotten.

And Puti is not the only sick Korowai person Dakinus has helped either, he has brought other sick people to Danowage as well.

What are Dakinus’ wishes?  He says, “We must have permanent health workers!”

Dakinus is a symbol of the kind of help that the Korowai have enjoyed up until now. There may be a tendency to downplay and underestimate the role of these evangelists as professional government healthcare workers enter the area and take over much of the work. These evangelists are often poor and barefoot, simple, and limited in many ways.

Before the government ever entered the Korowai region, the church was already there. Already suffering for the good of the Korowai people, sacrificing their health and getting sick as they served the Korowai. Some of the evangelists have lost children during their ministries in the Korowai area and several evangelists have died due to injuries or sicknesses incurred while serving the area or opening the airstrip.

Just this year, an older evangelist from Ujung Batu village, Evangelist Wiyandi, suffered a heart failure after hiking 12 hours from his post to Danowage as part of his ministry.

As Governor Lukas Enembe proclaimed when he spoke in Danowage last month during his visit to release the health team, he said to me, “Before the government ever enters into these remote areas of the interior of Papua, the missionaries and the Church are always there first…to help the people.” And he said that church and the government must work together for the well-being of the Korowai. He thanked me and the evangelists for that. And we are very thankful for him.

So as more educated and professional teachers and nurses enter the Korowai area to help the Korowai, please do not discount or think lowly of the contribution made by these poor and uneducated evangelists such as Dakinus. They have saved many lives in the Korowai region, and have lost some of their own children and peers during their ministries.

Let us not forget men like Evangelist Dakinus Wanimbo.(Continue to Part 3)

Editor: Zely Ariane

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